Dilaut in Sabah, Malaysia Nagatsu Kazufumi, 1998 of Kallong village, Semporna District, Sabah,...
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IIAS Newsletter | #31 | July 2003 17 Islamization of the Sama Dilaut in Sabah, Malaysia The Sama Dilaut (lit: ‘maritime’ Sama), or the Bajau, are a subgroup of the Sama-speaking people. The Sama Dilaut of Kallong village, Semporna District, Sabah, Malaysia, are migrants from Sallang Island, Sulu Archipelago, the Philippines, approximately 100 km away. Until the 1960s-1970s, the Sama Dilaut in both countries were politically and religiously marginalized. In the late 1990s, the Sama Dilaut of Sallang remained marginalized, disregarded in local politics and considered impious Muslims, even kafirs (non-Muslims) despite the fact that most of them professed Islam. The Sama Dilaut in Kallong, however, had improved their status. They occupied village political posts and enjoyed their own district representatives; their status as Muslims was acknowledged by local society. This essay discusses the historical dynamics of the Sama Dilaut’s Islamization, the process by which they gained acceptance as Muslims in post-colonial Malaysia. The discussion is based on historical and ethnographic data collected between 1997 and 1999 in Semporna District, Sabah. Research > Southeast Asia By Nagatsu Kazufumi F ollowing independence, Islam increasingly became a pil- lar of identity for Malaysia’s dominant Melayu popula- tion. With Islamic revivalism (dakwah) prevailing in the 1970s, the government began to directly involve itself in Islamic affairs; federal and state governments alike strength- ened their commitment to the administration of Islam through religious institutions. Islam was thus made official throughout Malaysia. Sabah gained independence as a state within Malaysia in 1963. Direct government involvement in Islamic affairs here started relatively late. It was not until 1971 that the first offi- cial Islamic institution, the Sabah Islamic Council, or MUIS (Majelis Ugama Islam Sabah), was established. Since it emu- lated the system already organized in Peninsular Malaysia, MUIS was able to institutionalize its administrative system effectively and rapidly. Through its branches it began to administer religious activities at district and village levels. MUIS also assumed the management of religious schools in the state. Incorporation At the end of the British colonial period in Sempora, local Muslims attributed Islamic legitimacy to the Sulu Muslim society, heirs to the once flourishing Islamic Sulu Sultanate. Muslim intellectuals of Sulu origin thus held prominence in local religious affairs. This situation changed dramatically in the post-colonial period. In 1960, a native political leader built the first religious school in Semporna. He appointed a Melayu from Negeri Sembilan, a state in peninsular Malaysia, as its headmaster and concurrently as chief imam of the dis- trict mosque. In the 1970s, the MUIS branch in Semporna began to take charge of local Islamic affairs, appointing vil- lage religious leaders and integrating them into its religious bureaucracy. In running religious schools, it employed as teachers peninsular Melayu intellectuals and, later, local graduates of the state religious schools. As Islam became increasingly officialized, Muslim socie- ty in Semporna was divorced from the Islamic order of Sulu and incorporated into that of the Malaysian state. Religious professionals of official standing and MUIS came to repre- sent Islamic authority. The district socio-religious order was transformed: a dichotomous notion of Islam prevailed, where anything official was considered more legitimate, anything unofficial less legitimate. Traditional Muslim intellectuals of Sulu origin therefore became less and less influential, unless they were granted official standing. Becoming Muslim Until the 1950s, the Sama Dilaut believed in supernatural or ancestral spirits and held rituals for these spirits. In the mid-1950s, a government-appointed district khatib (Islamic preacher) invited a Sama Dilaut leader to convert to Islam. The leader accepted the khatib’s invitation and, together with some Sama Dilaut youngsters, learned the prayers. This marked the beginning of their Islamization. In the late 1960s, he built a simple prayer house, a surau, in the village. Meanwhile, the youngsters studied Islam at the khatib’s house. Although the Sama Dilaut were initially not accepted into the local Muslim community, this changed after the 1970s. Here it is worth recalling the fate of the Sama Dilaut of Sulu in the Philippines. Although they began to embrace Islam in the 1940s, their neighbours still do not fully recog- nize them as Muslims. This is largely due to the persistence of the myth that Allah once cursed the Sama Dilaut, thus dis- qualifying them from the status of ‘correct’ Muslims. How, then, did the Sama Dilaut of Semporna gain their recogni- tion as Muslims? Three phases of their Islamization – par- ticipation in public Islamic activities; acquisition of Muslim community symbols; formation of a new class of Islamic intellectuals – are discussed below. In the mid-1960s, some Sama Dilaut tried to enrol their children in the religious school. Parents of the other Muslim students expressed strong objections to this, as the above- mentioned myth still prevailed. The peninsular Melayu head- master rejected their objections, claiming that such a myth was nowhere present in the Qur’an. None of the parents could challenge him on this point. In like manner, the Melayu chief imam criticized local Muslims for their exclusion of the Sama Dilaut from the district mosque. Soon after the Sama Dilaut were admitted into the religious school and the dis- trict mosque. Sama Dilaut youngsters who studied Islam under the kahtib became imams in Kallong village in the early 1970s. In 1977 MUIS granted three of these imams a letter of authorization, certifying that they were ‘correct’ Islamic lead- ers. MUIS also permitted them to hold Friday congregational prayers at the village surau. The surau was then administra- tively re-categorized as a mosque. The Sama Dilaut thereby officially acquired symbols of a Muslim community, name- ly, religious leaders and a mosque. From the late 1980s onwards, MUIS and its schools employed Sama Dilaut religious high school graduates, who formed a new generation of Islamic intellectuals commonly referred to as ustaz. Renowned for their Islamic knowledge, they were invited to deliver religious lectures and became part of a regional intellectual authority on Islam. The ustazs ensured the Sama Dilaut’s status as Muslims; since they were teaching Islam in the village, the impression prevailed among local Muslims that the Sama Dilaut were practicing Islam ‘correctly’. The Sama Dilaut’s Islamization was intrinsically linked to socio-religious change in Semporna, brought on by the ‘offi- cialization’ of Islam in Malaysia. Essential to their Islamiza- tion was the separation of local Muslim society from the con- ventional Islamic order of Sulu, from which the Sama Dilaut had been stigmatized as outcasts. As official – state sanc- tioned – religious personnel and institutions came to repre- sent Islamic authority, local Muslims had no choice but to accept as legitimate the Melayu teacher’s claims and Islam- ic symbols that MUIS authorized. As the official-unofficial dichotomy of Islamic legitimacy reformed the district’s socio- religious order, the presence of the ustazs was proof of the ‘correctness’ of the Sama Dilaut’s religious practice. Touching upon one final perspective, it is important to add that the Sama Dilaut imams sought the authorization of MUIS as part of their strategy to fight discrimination. Given their intentions, their Islamization was, at least in part, a vehi- cle for attaining social position within the new socio-religious order of post-colonial Malaysia. < Nagatsu Kazufumi, MA is a research associate at the Graduate School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University, Japan, and is presently completing his PhD thesis on the Sama Dilaut’s his- torical experience of the Malaysian state system. [email protected] Young Japanese Researchers on Southeast Asia - Series Nagatsu Kazufumi wrote the third contribution to a series that aims to present current research of young Japanese scholars on Southeast Asia. Origi- nal Japanese research on Southeast Asia has a long tradition, is abundant and sometimes takes different routes from European or American research on the region. Moreover, many Japanese scholars publish in Japanese or in Southeast Asian languages and consequently the interaction between Japan- ese and non-Japanese scholars remains somewhat limited. By means of this series we draw attention to the original research of young Japanese schol- ars with research interests in Southeast Asian affairs. In case you would like to introduce your own research on Southeast Asia, please contact the edi- tors of the IIAS Newsletter or the author of this introduction. < Dr Rogier Busser, Coordinator of Academic Affairs at the IIAS. [email protected] A Sama Dilaut imam delivering duwa’a, or voluntary prayer, at the village mosque. He was the first Sama Dilaut in Semporna to study the Qur’an in the 1960s. As a devout imam, he leads religious practices in the village. The research area Nagatsu Kazufumi, 1998 Nagatsu Kazufumi > Research & Reports
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Transcript of Dilaut in Sabah, Malaysia Nagatsu Kazufumi, 1998 of Kallong village, Semporna District, Sabah,...
I I A S N e w s l e t t e r | # 3 1 | J u l y 2 0 0 3 1 7
Islamization of the Sama Dilaut in Sabah, Malaysia
The Sama Dilaut (lit: ‘maritime’ Sama), or the Bajau, are a subgroup of the Sama-speaking people. The SamaDilaut of Kallong village, Semporna District, Sabah, Malaysia, are migrants from Sallang Island, SuluArchipelago, the Philippines, approximately 100 km away. Until the 1960s-1970s, the Sama Dilaut in bothcountries were politically and religiously marginalized. In the late 1990s, the Sama Dilaut of Sallang remainedmarginalized, disregarded in local politics and considered impious Muslims, even kafirs (non-Muslims)despite the fact that most of them professed Islam. The Sama Dilaut in Kallong, however, had improved theirstatus. They occupied village political posts and enjoyed their own district representatives; their status asMuslims was acknowledged by local society. This essay discusses the historical dynamics of the Sama Dilaut’sIslamization, the process by which they gained acceptance as Muslims in post-colonial Malaysia. Thediscussion is based on historical and ethnographic data collected between 1997 and 1999 in SempornaDistrict, Sabah.
Research >Southeast Asia
By Nagatsu Kazufumi
Following independence, Islam increasingly became a pil-lar of identity for Malaysia’s dominant Melayu popula-
tion. With Islamic revivalism (dakwah) prevailing in the1970s, the government began to directly involve itself inIslamic affairs; federal and state governments alike strength-ened their commitment to the administration of Islamthrough religious institutions. Islam was thus made officialthroughout Malaysia.
Sabah gained independence as a state within Malaysia in1963. Direct government involvement in Islamic affairs herestarted relatively late. It was not until 1971 that the first offi-cial Islamic institution, the Sabah Islamic Council, or MUIS(Majelis Ugama Islam Sabah), was established. Since it emu-lated the system already organized in Peninsular Malaysia,MUIS was able to institutionalize its administrative systemeffectively and rapidly. Through its branches it began toadminister religious activities at district and village levels.MUIS also assumed the management of religious schools inthe state.
IncorporationAt the end of the British colonial period in Sempora, local
Muslims attributed Islamic legitimacy to the Sulu Muslimsociety, heirs to the once flourishing Islamic Sulu Sultanate.Muslim intellectuals of Sulu origin thus held prominence inlocal religious affairs. This situation changed dramatically inthe post-colonial period. In 1960, a native political leaderbuilt the first religious school in Semporna. He appointed aMelayu from Negeri Sembilan, a state in peninsular Malaysia,as its headmaster and concurrently as chief imam of the dis-trict mosque. In the 1970s, the MUIS branch in Semporna
began to take charge of local Islamic affairs, appointing vil-lage religious leaders and integrating them into its religiousbureaucracy. In running religious schools, it employed asteachers peninsular Melayu intellectuals and, later, localgraduates of the state religious schools.
As Islam became increasingly officialized, Muslim socie-ty in Semporna was divorced from the Islamic order of Suluand incorporated into that of the Malaysian state. Religiousprofessionals of official standing and MUIS came to repre-sent Islamic authority. The district socio-religious order wastransformed: a dichotomous notion of Islam prevailed, whereanything official was considered more legitimate, anythingunofficial less legitimate. Traditional Muslim intellectuals ofSulu origin therefore became less and less influential, unlessthey were granted official standing.
Becoming MuslimUntil the 1950s, the Sama Dilaut believed in supernatural
or ancestral spirits and held rituals for these spirits. In themid-1950s, a government-appointed district khatib (Islamicpreacher) invited a Sama Dilaut leader to convert to Islam.The leader accepted the khatib’s invitation and, together withsome Sama Dilaut youngsters, learned the prayers. Thismarked the beginning of their Islamization. In the late1960s, he built a simple prayer house, a surau, in the village.Meanwhile, the youngsters studied Islam at the khatib’shouse. Although the Sama Dilaut were initially not acceptedinto the local Muslim community, this changed after the1970s.
Here it is worth recalling the fate of the Sama Dilaut ofSulu in the Philippines. Although they began to embraceIslam in the 1940s, their neighbours still do not fully recog-nize them as Muslims. This is largely due to the persistenceof the myth that Allah once cursed the Sama Dilaut, thus dis-qualifying them from the status of ‘correct’ Muslims. How,then, did the Sama Dilaut of Semporna gain their recogni-tion as Muslims? Three phases of their Islamization – par-ticipation in public Islamic activities; acquisition of Muslim
community symbols; formation of a new class of Islamicintellectuals – are discussed below.
In the mid-1960s, some Sama Dilaut tried to enrol theirchildren in the religious school. Parents of the other Muslimstudents expressed strong objections to this, as the above-mentioned myth still prevailed. The peninsular Melayu head-master rejected their objections, claiming that such a mythwas nowhere present in the Qur’an. None of the parentscould challenge him on this point. In like manner, the Melayuchief imam criticized local Muslims for their exclusion of theSama Dilaut from the district mosque. Soon after the SamaDilaut were admitted into the religious school and the dis-trict mosque.
Sama Dilaut youngsters who studied Islam under thekahtib became imams in Kallong village in the early 1970s.In 1977 MUIS granted three of these imams a letter ofauthorization, certifying that they were ‘correct’ Islamic lead-ers. MUIS also permitted them to hold Friday congregationalprayers at the village surau. The surau was then administra-tively re-categorized as a mosque. The Sama Dilaut therebyofficially acquired symbols of a Muslim community, name-ly, religious leaders and a mosque.
From the late 1980s onwards, MUIS and its schoolsemployed Sama Dilaut religious high school graduates, whoformed a new generation of Islamic intellectuals commonlyreferred to as ustaz. Renowned for their Islamic knowledge,they were invited to deliver religious lectures and becamepart of a regional intellectual authority on Islam. The ustazsensured the Sama Dilaut’s status as Muslims; since they wereteaching Islam in the village, the impression prevailed amonglocal Muslims that the Sama Dilaut were practicing Islam‘correctly’.
The Sama Dilaut’s Islamization was intrinsically linked tosocio-religious change in Semporna, brought on by the ‘offi-cialization’ of Islam in Malaysia. Essential to their Islamiza-tion was the separation of local Muslim society from the con-ventional Islamic order of Sulu, from which the Sama Dilauthad been stigmatized as outcasts. As official – state sanc-tioned – religious personnel and institutions came to repre-sent Islamic authority, local Muslims had no choice but toaccept as legitimate the Melayu teacher’s claims and Islam-ic symbols that MUIS authorized. As the official-unofficialdichotomy of Islamic legitimacy reformed the district’s socio-religious order, the presence of the ustazs was proof of the‘correctness’ of the Sama Dilaut’s religious practice.
Touching upon one final perspective, it is important to addthat the Sama Dilaut imams sought the authorization ofMUIS as part of their strategy to fight discrimination. Giventheir intentions, their Islamization was, at least in part, a vehi-cle for attaining social position within the new socio-religiousorder of post-colonial Malaysia.<
Nagatsu Kazufumi, MA is a research associate at the Graduate
School of Asian and African Area Studies, Kyoto University, Japan,
and is presently completing his PhD thesis on the Sama Dilaut’s his-
torical experience of the Malaysian state system.
Young Japanese Researchers on Southeast Asia - SeriesNagatsu Kazufumi wrote the third contribution to a series that aims to present current research of young Japanese scholars on Southeast Asia. Origi-
nal Japanese research on Southeast Asia has a long tradition, is abundant and sometimes takes different routes from European or American research
on the region. Moreover, many Japanese scholars publish in Japanese or in Southeast Asian languages and consequently the interaction between Japan-
ese and non-Japanese scholars remains somewhat limited. By means of this series we draw attention to the original research of young Japanese schol-
ars with research interests in Southeast Asian affairs. In case you would like to introduce your own research on Southeast Asia, please contact the edi-
tors of the IIAS Newsletter or the author of this introduction.<
Dr Rogier Busser, Coordinator of Academic Affairs at the IIAS.
A Sama Dilaut imam
delivering duwa’a, or
voluntary prayer, at
the village mosque.
He was the first
Sama Dilaut in
Semporna to study
the Qur’an in the
1960s. As a devout
imam, he leads
religious practices
in the village.
The research area
Nag
atsu
Kaz
ufu
mi,
19
98
Nag
atsu
Kaz
ufu
mi
> Research & Reports
